The anomalous structures in the Wallkill River valley appear to have been spared the maximum extent of damage from glaciation during the most recent ice age (Wisconsin glacial event), but why? Even so, heavy damaged ("decapitation") occurred to Cydonia II structures more than a couple hundred feet in height, if we can use Cydonia I structures on Mars as a model for what originally stood in the valley. "Climate experts once viewed Earth as a well-mannered dancer moving to the stately and predictable beat of the ice ages....But discoveries about the most recent ice age are transforming the image of a climatic waltz to something resembling a drunken lurch. During the last glacial epoch, Earth repeatedly swayed from extremely frigid conditions to warmth and back again with startling speed. As part of these shifts, the great North American ice sheet vomited huge numbers of icebergs that filled the North Atlantic......Although the term "ice age" conjures up a picture of unrelenting cold, temperatures during this period actually rose close to their interglacial values several times, only to plummet back toward full glacial conditions after a respite of a few hundred to a few thousand years." (Monastersky, 1994). In addition, "High-resolution studies of North Atlantic deep sea cores demonstrate that prominent increases in iceberg calving recurred at intervals of 2000 to 3000 years, much more frequently than the 7000- to 10,000-year pacing of massive ice discharges associated with Heinrich events. The calving cycles correlate with warm-cold oscillations, called Dansgaard-Oeschger events, in Greenland ice cores. Each cycle records synchronous discharges of ice from different sources, and the cycles are decoupled from sea-surface temperatures. These findings point to a mechanism operating within the atmosphere that caused rapid oscillations in air temperature above Greenland and in calving from more than one ice sheet." (Bond and Lotti, 1995).

Interhemispheric correlation of glacial events implies a global atmospheric signal rather than independent regional climatic changes. Radiocarbon chronology of piedmont glacier lobes in the Chilean Andes indicates that the last glaciation ended with massive collapse of ice lobes close to 14,000 years ago. In the Southern Alps of New Zealand, closer to the South Pole, additional glacial maxima are registered at 17,720 years ago, and at the beginning of the Younger Dryas at 11,050 years ago (Lowell et al., 1995). Zep Tepi or the First Time recorded by the ancient Egyptians as the beginning of our present climatic cycle (the Holocene) is implied by the alignment of the Sphinx (Hor-em-Akhet) with the constellation Leo at 12,500 years ago (Hancock and Bauval, 1996; Jochmans, 1995). Through the work of John Anthony West (1993) and Robert Schoch, a geologist from Boston University, the age given by Egyptologists for the Sphinx of 2,500 BC (the time of the pharoh Khafre) has been put into serious question. Based on strong geologic evidence of water erosion and deep weathering in a wet climate, West and Schoch estimate the Sphinx and associated Valley Temple to have a minimum age somewhere between 7,000 and 9,000 years old, or dating back to the last time Egypt had a wet climate. This is a very conservative age estimate. Hancock (1995) and Hancock and Bauval (1996) put the age closer to 10,000 years ago.

In MacAyeal's binge-purge model of cyclic growth and collapse of ice sheets, "an ice sheet starts off stably frozen to the ground, building up layer upon layer. Eventually, the ice grows thick enough to insulate its base from the cold air temperature above. As heat escaping from Earth warms the bottom of the sheet, the base melts, permitting the giant glacier to flow quickly across the land surface. Large fractions of the ice sheet plunge into the ocean in a Heinrich event, raising global sea level by 2 meters within the short span of a few centuries. Once thinned, the ice then refreezes to the ground and starts thickening until it next collapses. When MacAyeal feeds rough estimates of ice-age atmospheric conditions into his binge-purge model, the Laurentide ice sheet produces Heinrich events 10,000 years apart, on average, in rough agreement with the actual cycles.....[but] According to Bond, MacAyeal's binge-purge model has a difficult time explaining why two very different parts of the Laurentide ice sheet, as well as the Iceland ice sheet, should have collapsed contemporaneously." (Monastersky, 1994).

Nevertheless, MacAyeal's model helps explain how as much of the Cydonia II complex could have survived glaciation as it did, and why the ice sheets didn't "scrape" away all evidence of the complex. As an ice sheet grew in thickness, it became frozen to the ground and to the pyramids; it did not move. During the warmer parts of Dansgaard-Oeschger and Heinrich cycles, heating from the ground succeeded in melting the base of the ice sheet, forming a layer of water upon which the ice floated. The valley narrows to the south as the Kittatinny, Shawangunk, and Ramapo mountains converge, nearly closing the valley. Water levels in the valley may have risen sufficiently high to protect the bases of artificial or carved structures, because of restricted flow out of the valley at its southern end. Any movement of the ice on that layer of water would have affected only those structures sticking up into it and embedded in the floating ice sheet. The upper parts of the pyramids may have been literally plucked up off their bases and moved bodily, dropping blocks of stone whenever the ice bonding between blocks melted or failed as the ice sheet moved southward. With repeated freezing and melting of that bottom layer of ice during Dansgaard-Oeschger and Heinrich cycles, most of the pyramidal stones would be lifted and moved with the movement of the ice sheet. Only the basal most layers of the pyramids probably remain, buried under glacial drift, post-glacial lake deposits, and Holocene accumulations of soil.

If the Cydonia complexes on Earth and Mars are approximately coeval in age, the oldest estimate of 500,000 years for Cydonia I is based on the solstice alignment of the Face, Cliff, and Crater with the Sun on Mars (Hoagland, 1992). That age occurred during the Earth's Great Interglacial, prior to the growth of the Illinoian ice sheet 200 kyr ago. That penultimate glacial period (approximately 140,000 to 200,000 years ago: Jouzel et al., 1993) would have destroyed all traces of the Crater, Cliff, and Face in the valley. A younger age, such as during the previous Eemian interglacial from 115,000 to 140,000 years ago, would have subjected the monuments in the Wallkill River valley to only one interval of cyclical burial under ice, and could account for the survival of features which retained significant bedrock expression after the ice disappeared. Even so, there has been an extreme amount of erosion, and a post-glacial age (post-dating the Younger Dryas which ended about 10,000 years ago) is not long enough to account for the reduction and near leveling of large pyramidal structures, which may have been constructed of stone like the pyramids of Egypt. The D&M II, the largest of all the pyramids in the Cydonia I complex, would have been toppled and destroyed by the movement of a massive ice sheet, although much of its base could have survive (indications for the outline of the pyramid base have survived). An age of 200,000 years ago, which is what Hoagland now thinks is the age of Cydonia I (pers. comm., 1994), places the complex at the beginning of the Illinoian glacial episode, and is again too old for reasons cited above. An Eemian age, therefore, is indicated.

Could these Cydonia complexes be symbolic of an earlier cycle in human evolution that culminated in space travel, colonization of other planets and moons, and then disaster back on Earth (cf. Sitchin, 1996; Jochmans, 1995; Hancock, 1995; West, 1993)? If this interpretation is in the "ball park", what happened to that civilization and why did it disappear? Or did it? Are we repeating their mistakes? Can we figure out this riddle of the ages in time to prevent our own demise? Did the humans who ventured out to explore the Universe bring back with them universal laws expressed in, for example, Genesis, the Koran, and Sanskrit, and the many races of 'Visitors' described by Abductees and Contactees?

In many parts of the world myths and legends speak of periodic cycles of natural destruction on Earth which nearly brought humankind to extinction. In Finger-prints of the gods, Hancock (1995) compiles and/or references many of these myths and legends. From ancient Sumer we have the flood story of Gilgamesh and Utnapishtm, also known as Noah, which was handed down with editorial modification in Genesis. Greek and ancient Egyptian legends (e.g. the Book of the Dead) also speak of a devastating flood. In India there is the Vedic legend of Manu, a Noah-like figure who saves humankind from extinction. Buddhist scriptures speak of 'Seven Suns', each brought to an end by global catastrophes involving water, fire, and/or wind. Similar accounts of flood and destruction come from Malaysia, Laos, and northern Thailand. In Central America we have flood stories handed down in Mayan, Aztec, and Mechoacanesec mythology. In South America we have flood stories coming from the Chibcas of central Colombia, the Canarian Indians of Ecuador, the Tupinamba Indians of Brazil, the Peruvian Indians, who are rich with flood legends, the Araucnaians of pre-Columbian Chile, and the Pehuenche from Tierra del Fuego. "More than 500 deluge legends are known around the world and, in a survey of 86 of these (20 Asiatic, 3 European, 7 African, 46 American and 10 from Australia and the Pacific), the specialist researcher Dr. Richard Andree concluded that 62 were entirely independent of the Mesopotamian and Hebrew accounts." (Hancock, 1995: 193).

"the Hopi Indians of Arizona (who are distant relatives of the Aztecs 52) record three previous Suns, each culminating in a great annihilation followed by the gradual re-emergence of mankind. In Aztec cosmology, of course, there were four Suns prior to our own. Such minor differences concerning the precise number of destructions and creations envisaged in this or that mythology should not distract us from the remarkable convergence of ancient traditions evident here. All over the world these traditions appear to commemorate a widespread series of catastrophes. In many cases the character of each successive cataclysm is obscured by the use of poetic language and the piling up of metaphor and symbols. Quite frequently, also, at least two different kinds of disaster may be portrayed as having occurred simultaneously (most frequently floods and earthquakes, but sometimes fire and a terrifying darkness).
"All this contributes to the creation of a confused and jumbled picture. The myths of the Hopi, however, stand out for their straightforwardness and simplicity. What they tell us is this:

The first world was destroyed, as a punishment for human misdemeanors, by an all-consuming fire that came from above and below. The second world ended when the terrestrial globe toppled from its axis and everything was covered with ice. The third world ended in a universal flood. The present world is the forth. Its fate will depend on whether or not its inhabitants behave in accordance with the Creator's plans.53

"We are on the trail of a mystery here. And while we may never hope to fathom the plans of the Creator we should be able to reach a judgment concerning the riddle of our converging myths of global destruction." (Hancock, 1995: 198-199).

In the Greenland ice cap sulfate ions increase in layers of ice formed in the years following large volcanic eruptions. "At the meeting of the GISP 2 participants last month, Zielinski reported that the period following the ice age had three times as many eruptions as the last two millennia. The early eruptions were also much larger than most modern ones. "This could be crustal adjusting to the unloading of ice, almost like uncorking a bottle," says Zielinski, who described the volcanic record for the last 9,000 years in the May 13 SCIENCE. Looking even further back in time, the ice core team has discovered evidence of a monstrous eruption 68,000 to 75,000 years ago. While most volcanic sulfate layers in the GISP 2 core span only a year or two, this ancient one extends over many years, indicating that debris from this eruption filled the skies for an unusually long time. From the date of the ice layers, Zielinski believes that the prominent sulfate deposit records a well-known eruption of Toba on the Indonesian island of Sumatra. The Toba blast occurred close to the start of the last ice age, prompting some scientists to speculate that it may have helped push Earth's climate into a deep freeze." (Science News, 1994: 146: 254). Could such volcanic eruptions be what Hopi and other legends record as "an all-consuming fire that came from above and below"? Can such stories about earthquakes, fire, and darkness or the disappearance of the Sun (with its subsequent reappearance as a NEW Sun) be a guide to interpreting the geologic past and picking the correct geologic models?

Much of what Hancock relates has been available to researchers for centuries, but has been ignored by modern anthropologists and archaeologists, who seem to have their own linear agenda, inherited in part from Darwin. The concept that humankind could not have reached a high level of technological development without leaving recognizable artifacts of their accomplishments can only be supported if one misinterprets the evidence according to preconceptions and a rigid and erroneous belief system, or simply ignores contravening evidence and information preserved in myth (cf. West, 1993). Jochmans (1995) notes that "there is a growing number of 'anomalies' surfacing from the distant past which do not in any way fit the 'established' concept of linear history. They are called 'anomalies' because they reveal an inherent sophistication very much out-of-place from the contemporary ancient or prehistoric remains among which they were discovered. These artifacts demonstrate that, either they were the product of another more advanced culture of unknown origins that once lived side by side with the less sophisticated but more recognized culture (just as we today in the technological 20th century live alongside certain tribal peoples of New Guinea, Africa and South America), or the artifacts are remnants of an older, forgotten yet more advanced civilization that was destroyed and lost to us, except for these few tantalizing remains that were passed down through the later survivors.

"The anomalous artifacts, ignored by modern historical experts, are too many not to be recognized. The out-of-place bits and pieces have been swept under the rug for far too long, so that the rug is getting quite lumpy, and are increasingly becoming an embarrassment to explain away any further." (Jochmans, 1995: 12).

Jochmans discusses evidence, ignored by Egyptologists, which implies that ancient Egyptians knew how to build and fly airplanes: "In 1889 a curious object was discovered in the tomb of Pa-di-Imen in north Saqqara, Egypt dated to about 200 B.C. At the time of its discovery, however, the birth of modern aviation was still several years away. As a result, when the strange artifact was sent to the Cairo Museum, it was catalogued and then shelved away among other miscellaneous items to gather dust unrecognized for what it really was.

"In 1969, over 70 years later, Dr. Kahlil Messiha - an Egyptologist and archaeologist - was examining a particular Museum display in Room No. 22, labeled "bird figurines." The other contents of the display were clearly bird sculptures, but the Saqqara artifact was certainly not. It possessed characteristics not found on birds, yet which are part of modern aircraft design. Dr. Messiha, who as a youth had been a model plane enthusiast, immediately recognized the aircraft features and persuaded the Under Secretary of the Egyptian Ministry of Culture to form a committee in order to investigate the model. In the meeting of the committee in late 1970 and early 1971, the participating historians and aviation experts were so impressed with their findings that it was recommended that the model be placed in the Central Hall of the Cairo Museum of temporary exhibit. Today it is still housed in Room No. 22, on the second floor.

"The small craft is made of very light sycamore wood and weighs 39.12 grams, or 0.5 oz. The only markings on it is a faint eye painted on the nose and two red lines under the wings. The model's wings are straight and aerodynamically shaped, with a span of 18 centimeters, or about 7 inches. Its pointed nose is 3.2 centimeters (1.5 inches) long. The body of the craft totals 14 centimeters (6 inches), tapered, terminating in a vertical tail fin. A separate slotted piece fit onto the tail precisely like the back tail wing on a modern plane.

"Dr. Messiha, interviewed in the May 18, 1972 London Times, made these comments on the ancient plane's shape and sophistication: "It is the tail that is really the most interesting thing which distinguishes this model from all others that have been discovered. No bird can produce such a contortion at the rear of its body to assume anything that looks like the model. Furthermore, there is a groove under the fin for a tail-plane (crosspiece) which is missing. This is no toy model - it's too scientifically designed and it took a lot of skill to make it."

"Several aerodynamic experts and pilots agree with Dr. Messiha's assessment. Flight engineer Guirguis Messiha, a relative to Dr. Messiha, observed: "The negative dihedral angle fulfills the same requirements as the positive; a section shows that the surface of the wing is part of an ellipse which provides stability in flight; the aerofoil of the body lessens the drag, a fact which was discovered only after years of experimental work in aeronautics." A full-scale version of the plane could have flown carrying heavy loads, but at low speeds, between 45 and 65 miles per hour. What is not known, however, is what the power source of the ancient craft was. Several engineers did note that the model makes a perfect glider just as it is. In fact, it would have taken only the efforts of a small catapult to get a life-sized model in the air. Simply by using the rising heat currents off the Egyptian deserts on either side of the Nile, such a craft would have been able to stay in the air indefinitely. The little model itself, even though over 2,000 years old, will soar a considerable distance with only a slight jerk of the hand. Fully restored balsa replicas will travel even farther." (Jochmans, 1995: 15).

In The hidden history of the human race Cremo and Thompson (1994) recall an example of human remains from Trenton, New Jersey, which were given an age of 107,000 years by Volk (1911). This age places the human femur and skull fragments near the beginning of the Wisconsin glaciation, which is consistent with the evidence presented above for the existence of Homo sapiens in North America during the previous Eemian interglacial. An yet this evidence has been dismissed or ignored by established authorities in anthropology and archaeology.

The following is an example of evidence taken from myth for an ancient space-faring civilization: "The [Sumerian] Epic of Gilgamesh is replete with geographical markers that enhance its authenticity and identify the targets of that ancient search for Immortality [says Sitchin].
"The first destination was the Landing Place in the Cedar Forest, in the Cedar Mountains. There was only one such place in the whole of the ancient Near East, renowned for its unique cedars: Lebanon (whose national emblem, to this very day, is the cedar tree). Lebanon is specifically mentioned by name as the land the two comrades reached after the journey of seventeen days from Uruk. In another verse, describing how the earth shook as the skyrocket was launched, the facing peaks "Sirara and Lebanon" are described as "splitting apart." In the Bible (Psalms 27) the majestic Voice of the Lord is described as "breaking the cedars of Lebanon" and making "Lebanon and Sirion skip like a calf." There is no doubt that Sirion is Hebrew for Sirara in the Mesopotamian text." Does this description refer to a natural or manmade earthquake? Major earthquakes occur in the middle east, but are not associated with thunder coming down from the sky. Thunder was usually regarded by the ancients as the Voice of God, as in the ancient Gnostic text, The Thunder: Perfect Mind (Robinson, 1990). What does the launch of the Space Shuttle sound like? Sitchin continues:
"There is also no doubt that a Landing Place had existed there, for the simple reason that that vast platform is still there to this very day. Located at a place nowadays called Baalbek, the immense stone platform, some five million square feet in area, rests upon massive stone blocks that weigh hundreds of tons; three stone blocks, weighing more than one thousand tons each and known as the Trilithons (Fig. 47), were quarried in a valley miles away, where one of the colossal stones still sticks out of the ground, its quarrying not having been completed (Fig. 48). There is no modern equipment that can lift such weight; yet in bygone days "someone" - local lore says "the giants" - quarried, lifted, and emplaced these stone blocks with great precision." (Sitchin, 1996: 155-157).

Like Hancock (1995), I must asks: Was information about our ancestry initially encoded in myth and legend by clever humans who survived the Flood and who wanted to preserve scientific information for a time in our recovery when we had the ability to recognize and understand advanced technology as not the products of gods and spirits? West (1993) gives a similar viewpoint: "Myth is a deliberately chosen means for communicating knowledge. While it is possible, even probable, that the ancients could not have expressed that knowledge in modern philosophical language, that is no shortcoming. It is we who are at the disadvantage. To make sense of myth, we must first convert it into a form the intellect will accept; thereafter, it may or may not work upon our emotional center and allow us to arrive at understanding. Myth works directly upon the understanding, and the whole of Egyptian civilisation [sic] was organized upon myth." (West, 1993: 127).

The age of humankind may also have been encoded in myth: Sitchin (1996) provides a different approach to deciphering the age of births for three important figures in the Bible. Prior to being written down in Sumerian cuneiform and later edited and added to biblical scripture, the information Sitchin uses was probably handed down in oral tradition as myth. Sitchin's approach gives an independent, albeit unique, method for deciphering recorded information about the possible antiquity of Homo sapiens:
"Since we have shown, the biblical narrative is based on Sumerian sources, the simplest solution to the problem is also the most plausible. In the Sumerian sexagesimal ("base 60") mathematical system, the cuneiform sign for "1" could mean one or could mean sixty, depending on the position of the sign, just as "1" could mean one or ten or one hundred depending on the digit's position in the decimal system (except that we make distinction easy by the use of "0" to indicate position, writing 1, 10, 100 etc.). Could it not then be that the redactors of the Hebrew Bible, seeing in the Sumerian sources the sign "1", took it to mean One rather than Sixty?
"Based on such an assumption, the numbers 1,656 (the birth of Adam), 1,526 (the birth of Seth) and 1,421 (the birth of Enosh) are converted to 99,360, 91,560 and 85,260 respectively. To determine how long ago that was, we have to add the 13,000 years since the Deluge; the numbers then become

Adam born 112,360 years ago
Seth born 104,560 years ago
Enosh born 98,260 years ago

"The solution offered here by us leads to astounding results. It places the Adam-Seth-Enosh line right in the time slot when Neanderthals and then Cro-Magnons passed through the Lands of the Bible as they spread toward Asia and Europe. It means that the individual (not the generic) Adam was the biblical Man whom we term Neanderthal, and that Enosh, whose name meant "Human," was the biblical term for what we call Cro-Magnon - the first Homo sapiens sapiens, indeed the forefather of Enoshut, today's humanity." (Sitchin, 1996: 47; type face his).

Although the results of determining age using mitochondrial and nuclear DNA are controversial, such methods give results that are consistent with a previous interglacial age for the Cydonia II Complex in the Wallkill River valley. "While fossil remains discovered in Africa, Asia, and Europe suggest that hominids first appeared in southeastern Africa and then branched out to the other continents possibly half a million years ago, the true predecessors of today's humanity made their appearance in southeastern Africa somewhat later. The genetic markers for Homo sapiens, first studied through the Mitochondrial DNA that is passed by the female alone, and then through studies of Nuclear DNA that is inherited from both parents (reports at the April 1994 annual meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologist) indicate that we all stem from a single "Eve" that had lived in southeast Africa between 200,000 and 250,000 years ago. Studies released in May 1995 of the Y chromosome indicate a single "Adam" ancestor some 270,000 years ago.
"The Sumerian data, we have concluded, places the creation of The Adam at about 290,000 years age - well within the time scales for the two progenitors that modern science now suggests. How long the stay at the Garden of Eden, the attainment of the ability to procreate, the expulsion back to southeast Africa, and the Cain-Abel birth had taken place, the ancient texts do not state. Fifty thousand years? One hundred thousand years? Whatever the exact time lapse, it seems evident that the "Eve" who was back in southeast Africa, bearing offspring to The Adam, fits well chronologically with the current scientific data." (Sitchin, 1996: 45).

How was ancient scientific information encoded in myth and legend? And why would anyone want to do this? Consider the following example: Today the concept of Eve being formed from a rib of Adam makes no biological sense to a 20th Century geneticist. "The Sumerian word for rib is ti, and the rib-healing goddess came to be called Ninti, which translates both as "the lady of the rib" and "the lady who makes live." This play on words does not work in Hebrew, but the rib did enter the Garden of Eden story in the form of Eve, the mother of the human race - "the lady who makes live." Interestingly, the words Eden and Adam also appear in cuneiform. Eden means "uncultivated plain"; Adam, "settlement on the plain." (Flaherty, 1993). Thus Ninti becomes Eve in the biblical story.

Since chromosomes resemble "ribs" in shape, is it possible that the virgin message was: males and females differ in the type of sexual chromosomes? The female has two X chromosomes, whereas the male has only one. The female of your species, the educated teacher said, can be derived from the male by adding a second X chromosome. Information about the Y chromosome was lost in translation. The concept of the chromosome was explained to an uneducated people by comparing it to a "rib" in shape. The teacher (an alien or visitor: Elohim or Nefilim) picked up several ribs left from previous meals and used them as examples. The individuals of that primitive tribe then understood that the female could be derived by adding to a male an additional rib like that in the man, thus explaining the male as the reference point. This description was later corrupted by story telling and male bias to the female being derived from but one rib of a man. It is unlikely that such a misinterpretation or distortion would have originated or survived in a matriarchal society.

That teacher may have used an "apple" or fruit from a tree to show how the seed or egg of the woman was protected in the womb, thereby connecting the fruit and seed to a tree. The tree was then regarded as the provider of protection for the seed (spark or soul) and the knowledge of what is inside a fruit (body) or womb, and was thus called the Tree of Knowledge. According to Churchward (1968), the legend of the Tree of Life and the Tree of Knowledge goes back to the Motherland, MU (and to Sumer: Sitchin, 1996), but was corrupted in later myth. The teacher may have been compared by his students to a serpent or snake by some physical (reptilian or Targ?) characteristic, or the teacher may have belonged to the Brotherhood of the Serpent, which used the snake as its symbol for medical science (from which we get the symbol of medicine today: the caduceus). Or the original teachings, which described and connected the sexual act with the production of offspring, identified the male penis, which resembles a snake, as the organ which brings sperm and egg together. The DNA helix may have been described in that lesson as resembling an invisible coiled snake, and sperm may have been described as a swarm of tiny snakes. The corollaries are many but significant. These teachings may have been misinterpreted by the students to mean that their ancestors couldn't procreate and had to be taught carnal knowledge. To an uneducated person the story of the snake educating Adam and Eve about sex and the derivation of Eve from a (duplicate) rib (chromosome) of Adam was a satisfactory explanation for their existence. If that is how it happened, look what happened to such an innocent lesson in biology!

According to Sitchin (1996), the name Ninti appears in the Creation of Man tales, but she is also known as Ninmah, and as Ninharsag later on (spelling variation of Ninhursag). NIN.MAH ("Great Lady") was the Chief Medical Officer for the medical center at the Mission Control Center, a Spaceport and center for metallurgy in the Sinae peninsula. In Sitchin's translation and interpretation, Ninmah or Ninti was also a genetic engineer, who along with Enki genetically engineered the first Homo sapiens from a primate ancestor. Enki or E.A. ("He Whose House Is Water"), a brilliant scientist, also established the first extraterrestrial colony on Earth, calling it E.RI.DU ("House in the Faraway Built"). Who were the 'gods' and 'goddesses' of Sumer, and where did they come from?

Whether one agrees with Sitchin or chooses to interpret Sumerian texts differently, it is clear that these ancient writings speak of technologies and sciences that we have only recently developed. It was not until we had satellite mapping capability, and the sciences of anthropology, archaeology, and genetics that we could correctly interpret these messages cast forward as myths and legends by a dying civilization, possibly to warn us of the comet, symbolized by the mythological Serpent in the sky (Wood and Campbell, 1994). In ancient Egypt the serpent was the symbol for duality, such as lies at the origin of 'good' and 'evil'. It was a symbol for both unchecked chaos and multiplicity, and for higher intellect, synthesis, and creation. The Cobra, for example, was the symbol of Lower Egypt, and represented duality as a primordial creative impulse (West, 1993: 132). The comet or Serpent in the sky was known to bring both destruction and renewal (duality) as expressed in the concept of the First Time (Zep Tepi).

The enormous mythological and religious symbols laid out over a 40 square mile area in the valley of Rennes, France, are part of the Rennes-le-Chateau mystery (Wood, 1986; Lincoln, 1991). These symbols could not have been recognized or validated, nor their mathematical message decoded, were it not for satellite mapping and telemetry, which enabled Wood (1986) to accurately position and measure key sacred markers. He discovered that these markers were placed in precise locations in order to define (outline) recognizable figures from ancient Egyptian mythology. The Extended Pentagram, for example, is one of those figures. It is a new mathematical figure never before recognized by our mathematicians. Each of its five star points maintains the required 36 degree angle even though the points are of different lengths. Laid out within a circle this pentagram marks out fifteen equal arcs on the perimeter of that circle, and encodes the mathematical number for Phi! The Egyptian god Ptah, for example, is Phi, the creative power immanent in Atum but locked in Atum in his fall to Earth. Ptah is not free. He is bound by the god Set, principle of contraction. That is why Ptah is always pictured bound in swaddling clothes, with only his head, hands, and feet free (West, 1993: 127). Wood also found that the circle circumference and the body perimeter of the Extended Pentagram equate to within 1/6000 of Pi (Wood and Campbell, 1994). The message Wood and Campbell were able to decipher from these figures concerns a cometary cycle known to the ancients. They give convincing evidence that the terra figures were probably designed and laid out over that rugged mountainous countryside by the original myth makers of ancient Egypt. They also conclude that we are rapidly entering a window of time for Earth-orbit-crossing comets, indicating that the Great Serpent of legend which brought destruction via fire and water to Earth may soon return (cf. Shoemaker-Levy 9 and Jupiter). A collision of a comet with Earth is theorized by Kristan-Tollmann and Tollmann (1992) to have occurred 9545 years ago, based on their worldwide study of myths and legends. In order to explain convergent accounts from around the globe, they suggest that the comet broke up into seven main fragments, all of which slammed into the oceans creating giant tsunamis that ravaged the continents. This catastrophe brought earthquakes, volcanoes, and darkness around the globe. Only little fragments struck the continents (e.g. Australia), according to their theory. In myths the gods are blamed for causing this disaster (cf. Sitchin, 1996).

Hancock (1995) relates the legend of the Inca god, Kon Tiki Veracocha: "Through all the ancient legends of the peoples of the Andes stalked a tall, bearded, pale-skinned figure wrapped in a cloak of secrecy. And though he was known by many different names in many different places he was always recognizably the same figure: Viracocha, Foam of the Sea, a master of science and magic who wielded terrible weapons and who came in a time of chaos to set the world to rights.
"The same basic story was shared in many variants by all the peoples of the Andean region. It began with a vivid description of a terrifying period when the earth had been inundated by a great flood and plunged into darkness by the disappearance of the sun. Society had fallen into disorder, and the people suffered much hardship. Then

'there suddenly appeared, coming from the south, a white man of large stature and authoritative demeanor. This man had such great power that he changed the hills into valleys and from the valleys made great hills, causing streams to flow from the living stone . . .' (Osborne, 1968)." [Was similar advanced technology responsible for carving and/or forming of monuments in the Wallkill River valley? The Muddy Kill (river), for example, originates from a very small pond and underground aquifer near the circular hexagonal mound (Plate 1).]

"The early Spanish chronicler who recorded this tradition explained that it had been told to him by the Indians he had traveled among on his journeys in the Andes:

'And they heard it from their fathers, who in their turn had it from the old songs which were handed down from very ancient times . . . They say that this man traveled along the highland route to the north, working marvels as he went and that they never saw him again. They say that in many places he gave men instructions how they should live, speaking to them with great love and kindness and admonishing them to be good and to do no damage or injury one to another, but to love one another and show charity to all. In most places they name him Ticci Viracocha . . .' (Osborne, 1968)." (Hancock, 1995: 46-47).

And this man of knowledge, science, and technology appeared in South America perhaps as much as seven thousand years before the appearance of Jesus in Jerusalem!


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